The mining towns that had sprung up on the Copperbelt symbolized newness in a way that older cities could not. The contributors to this volume enable this dialogue by considering the ways in which cultural expression and identity expressed through film serve to create notions of belonging, group identity, and entitlement within modern societies. Of the 241 pensioned under this scheme for whom I was able to get addresses, 72 percent were at post offices in small towns and rural areas outside Copperbelt Province, while 27 percent were at Copperbelt post offices and 1 percent in Lusaka. He brought with him clothes, blankets, and gifts to be distributed among his relatives. Ferguson shows that the theory behind it was quite inadequate to the task, and recognises that in demolishing this as the master metanarrative of development, he has also exposed the need for a fresh set of intellectual resources to protect new generations from another set of false promises of development. But the truth is not that at all.
A number of authors have in fact employed this very simple periodization, often taking Zambian Independence in 1964 and the attendant removal of restrictions on urban settlement as the great divide marking off the first period from the second although, significantly, there is not full agreement on this point. What Mitchell was trying to get at is undoubtedly important, but it is not something to be declared as a set of propositions or statements. Normal delivery time is 5-12 days. Even those who seemed in the best shape economically were vulnerable to such slips: in one case I documented, even a former section boss i. The initiation of large-scale copper mining in the late 1920s had set off a burst of industrial development that had utterly transformed the country; by the time of Independence in 1964, that industrial growth seemed sure to propel the new nation rapidly along the path of what was called modernization.
Only eight have gone home since 1930. It is this encounter that I seek to map, and it is in the service of such a mapping that I draw together diverse sorts of evidence bearing on both the complexities and counterlinearities of social and cultural change in the region, and the ways that such processes have been understood by mine-workers and researchers alike. Working only with such decontextualized and inherently ambiguous statements of normative principle, it is not surprising that Mitchell found his results hard to interpret. One informant, asked to describe the sorts of things that could lead to a worker having problems upon returning to a home village, put it in the following terms: Like I said before, Doctor. Localism is not a set of opinions; it is a capability, a performative competence. Mulenga in 1986, he told me that he was not planning to return to his home area of Mpika.
No household that was trying to better itself during trying times could consider itself immune from the possibility of attack by jealous neighbors. University of Lethbridge Although the literature on Canada and primarily the U. Throughout the 1960s and most of the 1970s, we must remember, Zambia was not reckoned an African basket case, but a middle-income country, with excellent prospects for full industrialization and even ultimate admission to the ranks of the developed world. Many mineworkers have over the years done this, or something like it. Finally, the conclusion initiates a reflection on the meaning of decline, and of the breakdown of the myths of modernization—both for Copperbelt residents and for those who write about them. As they approached the steel and glass office building, the women walked quietly, in single file, with jars of water balanced on their heads.
What is more, the economic and social connection of town-dwellers with their rural kin endures, although in altered form, and will continue to do so as long as urban men and women must continue to contemplate and plan for rural retirements. The Postwar Period and Independence The postwar period was a time of rapid economic growth and rising urban population on the Copperbelt. Do they have the resources and skills to farm it successfully? And insofar as I will be concerned in this book to contest, disrupt, and historicize these narratives, it will be useful to do so on their own turf, so to speak. Since then the flood to town has been at a rate which makes Zambia's urban population about the highest in black Africa. To be sure, success was not easy or automatic, and wealthy ex-workers could have trouble managing the transition. Rural allies have a clear interest in some elements of the localist package, such as payment of remittances; the receipt of bridewealth, clothes, and other gifts; the education of nieces and nephews; and visits home. More specifically, in 1980, 23,262 people living in Luapula Province or 5.
Both lines of investigation have been very productive. Difference, feminism has taught us, begins at home. So when he was talking, he was only talking to my aunt there in the room in a good manner, but the language he was using, she thought she was being insulted. But instead of the usual plastic or tin containers, these women were using old-fashioned clay pots. The central social categories here are, on the one hand, urban workers; on the other, rurally based allies. Is it possible, socially, for them to be reintegrated or perhaps integrated for the first time into a village community? Mulele's optimism to have been well justified. The performative enactment of social categories can thus be recognized and described in terms of a number of analytically distinct stylistic dimensions.
Implemented on an on-again, off-again basis throughout the 1980s by a government that alternated between capitulation and defiance and carried through more consistently since the election of the Chiluba government in 1991, these measures have included devaluation of the currency and deregulation of foreign exchange, the removal of subsidies and price controls for food and other essential goods, the abandonment of government-guaranteed entitlements in the fields of health care and education, and the privati-zation of the major parastatal corporations, culminating in the selling off of the mines underway at the time of writing. Mitchell 1956a, 14 put it like this: The civilized way of life thus provides a scale along which the prestige of Africans in urban areas and to an increasing extent in rural areas may be measured. Other stylistic axes may be added as the analysis requires. Like linguistic dialect or accent, cultural style tends to stick with a person; a style requires not simply a situational motive but an internalized capacity that can only be acquired over time. Indeed, as I will argue, localism was no less than cosmopolitanism a specifically urban style. The researcher is not in charge and cannot choose what strange or terrible creature may turn up in the net.
And the 1969 census still shows few older people on the Copperbelt; the percentage of the total population over the age of 45 for Copperbelt Province was just 7. They haven't been visiting their relatives, so once they get there they will think that they came with plenty of wealth. Their choice meant fewer worries about witchcraft and other sorts of hostility, of course. What evidence there is, however, including the testimony of good observers, leaves no doubt that there was indeed a sizable imbalance of men over women during the early period on the Copperbelt. The sample bias in Mitchell's study, of course, is obvious, as he surveyed only students. As the result of a vigorous rural-urban traffic in news and gossip, workers know that their conduct in town will likely help to shape their reputations in the villages, too.